The following is a select sample of zines that we feel our readership might be interested in. It is inherently incomplete and is currently being updated, please check back frequently for new titles!
The Revolutionary Abolitionist Movement is a political movement dedicated to freeing people from bondage and building resistance in the United States. We situate our political movement in the context of the abolitionist struggle against slavery and continue in the tradition, from Nat Turner to the Black Liberation Movement. We believe the Civil War was never resolved and the system of slavery transitioned into the prison industrial complex. Our struggle today must begin from this starting point. Lastly, as revolutionary anarchists, the abolitionist struggle must be extended to the state and capitalism, the perpetrators of oppression. The revolutionary movement in the US today is at a cross roads, as fascist movements are expanding, and the state becomes increasingly authoritarian. The Rojava Revolution, in northern Syria, provides us with a model for revolution today with its foundation in communal and council based political organization and militant defense.
Educational and pragmatic this collection of quintessential texts orients us towards the coming struggle with an understanding of revolutionary history and theory. Twenty-nine texts cover Anarchism, The Black Struggle, Armed Struggle, Rojava, Anti-Colonial Struggle, Feminism and Gender Abolition. A must read.
This book takes examples from around the world, picking through history and anthropology, showing that people have, in different ways and at different times, demonstrated mutual aid, self-organization, autonomy, horizontal decision making, and so forth–the principles that anarchy is founded on–regardless of whether they called themselves anarchists or not. Too well documented to be strictly mythology, and too generalized to be strictly anthropology, this is an inspiring answer to the people who say that anarchists are utopian: a point-by-point introduction to how anarchy can and has actually worked.
“We live in a time that is marked by not only increasing crisis and growing reaction, but also in explosive and insurrectionary mass resistance and refusal. At the same time, as it has never been so clear to so many, the institutional and electoral Left is utterly and completely, useless.
The crisis we face is not only one of capital or industrial civilization, but that of its oh-so loyal opposition, the Left.
Perhaps now, you’ll finally start listening.”
“Maybe you missed this, but you’re not in a dialogue. Your views are beside the point. Argue all you want—your adversaries are glad to see you waste your breath. Better yet if you protest: they’d rather you carry a sign than do anything. They’ll keep you talking as long as they can, just to tire you out—to buy time.
They intend to force their agenda on you. That’s what all the guns are for, what the police and drones and surveillance cameras are for, what the FBI and CIA and NSA are for, what all those laws and courts and executive orders are for. It’s what their church is for, what those racist memes are for, what online harassment and bullying are for. It’s what gay bashings and church burnings are for.”
Many theoretical writings focus on armed resistance against the state-capitalist system, and the need for militantly opposing state imperialism and police repression. This “Us” against “Them” position has a lot of valid points, and we would by no means criticize the imperative nature of militant resistance against the state and capitalism in particular. However, this position neglects third parties that are also extremely hostile to bourgeois democracy and capitalism as they stand now, yet are no more sympathetic to our egalitarian, anti-authoritarian values: modern day fascism.
Fascism is a term that stiffly resists concise definitions, but for the purpose of clarity, one will be attempted anyway. Fascism is a violent, reactionary mass political movement that seeks to replace the current ruling elite with its own idealized class and impose its brand of totalitarian order on the rest of the populace. This is not the single ‘golden’ definition, as fascism wears many different faces depending on where and how it arises. Hopefully this definition will provide a nominal understanding for the purposes of this essay.
“Across the US, the far-right pushes the line that all Muslims are akin to ISIS, meanwhile, the far-right goes on killing spree after killing spree, attacking Mosques, and preparing for civil war. In these following texts, it is argued that ISIS and the alt-right have more in common than not, and that the fight against white supremacy and Islamophobia must also in turn be a struggle against the fascism that both ISIS and the alt-right represent.”
Claim No Easy Victories: An Analysis of Anti-Racist Action (ARA) and It’s Contributions to the Building of a Radical Anti-Racist Movement
“Given the re-emergence of popular radical anti-fascism we are putting up a 2002 article on the history of Anti-Racist Action. The article is a short and incomplete history. There is room for expanding on issues and 15 years later some needed corrections. But the article stands as one of the only attempts to document, analyze and promote ARA as the radical, militant and independent antifascist movement that it was.”
Bern Notice: Building a Material Force in an Age of Trumpism
“If we strive to create a material force within the social landscape; an autonomous anti-capitalist and anti-colonial movement that builds counter-power and new forms of life, then we must take stock of the other emerging forces in the current terrain. We have to think about how we can fight—and win, against the growing rise of the autonomous far-right, especially after Trump’s presidential run ends. For after Trump returns to being a real estate billionaire baron full-time, the cadres that gathered their forces during his campaign will take further shape autonomously, as backlash will surely build against Hilary, assuming that she takes the Presidency. At the same time, as we take a position in this “three-way fight,” we must make sure that our resistance to the far-right is also linked to our struggle against the state and capital; attacking white supremacy as a neo-colonial system and not simply a fight against white nationalist formations on the fringes.”
This zine is meant to give you and your loved ones practical insights and suggestions for basic actions and precautions. As a committee, we want to demystify the work we do so that all of you can feel more empowered to engage in solidarity work. Many of us have noticed through our participation in Occupy Oakland and other social struggles that the work of supporting arrestees and organizing against repression often falls on a small segment of the movement. Although many of us within this segment are more than happy to do the political work we do, we hope that we can engender a deeper and more diffuse practice of solidarity spread far beyond ourselves and immediate comrades. It is important that the bulk of the anti-repression activity and organizing does not fall solely on “support people” such as the ARC, Occupy Legal, Oakland 100 Support Committee, and the great number of people and collectives on which we’ve come to rely. We should all strive to take on some of the less sexy anti-repression and legal work that is so crucial to our movements. Everyone’s well-being should be everyone’s priority
The Criminal Legal System for Radicals
Tilted Scales Collective offers a helpful collection of insights for radicals coming up against the legal system. The discussion – excerpted from an upcoming book – focuses on the need to balance personal, political, and legal goals and how these different considerations often intersect with each other. It is important reading for all radicals and its detailed analysis offers many helpful tips for navigating the legal system and preparing for encounters with it.
Topics covered include subpoenas, going underground, staging “political” defenses, taking plea agreements, snitching (don’t do it), making public statements, and much more. It is both very thorough and highly readable.
Whatever You Do, Don’t Talk to the Police
This short zine/pamphlet offers basic advice for people engaged in political activity who will likely encounter police as a result of their political work (everyone will, it’s only a matter of time). The zine starts with the premise that people should not talk to the police and offers practical suggestions on how to minimize interactions and avoiding incriminating one’s self and other participants. From their it moves on to discuss the importance of making opposition to police an essential part of grassroots organizing. It also offers some basic tips on attending street demonstrations as well as suggestions on how minimize the potential negative ramifications of social media usage.
Ten Blows Against Politics
This short text originally published by Guerra Sociale is a short argument against politics and participation in the realm of politics. It highlights the way in which politics is an activity of separation, representation, impersonality, and control. It is especially strong in its arguments that political activity and the realm of politics is “spectacle”. This is a helpful text in articulating arguments against participation in the political process, and as such, may be particularly helpful during elections.
After Bern: An Open Letter to the Newly Disheartened
“But government is much more than carrots and sticks, politics involves overall the spectacle and myth of democracy. For instance, in our training sessions we were told, “Get them to create a set of agreements around rules and behavior in the classroom, but make sure you shape and guide these rules. Obviously, don’t let them get out of hand.” Meaning, we were to help give the appearance of the students shaping the guidelines for their behavior, however at all times we (who were ruled over by the administration and themselves by the US government) in actuality were there to create the physical framework. But moreover, we existed to guard against school and thus government authority being attacked by the unwashed young masses hell bent on doing zero work and collectively singing J-Lo songs.”
“Allen, however, was not an academic; he was a class conscious, anti-white-supremacist, working class intellectual and activist, who had researched and written on the historical development of the “white race” for twenty-five years, and he was not comfortable with the proposition that Frederickson described. As he explained in his internet-published “Summary of the Argument of The Invention of the White Race“ — viewing “race as a social and cultural construction” has value in “objectifying ‘whiteness,’ as a historical rather than a biological category,” but it is “an insufficient basis for refutation of white-supremacist apologetics.” The apologetics, or arguments, that Allen had in mind were from those who would argue that such social constructs are somehow natural or genetically determined. He stressed that “the logic of ‘race as a social construct’ must be tightened and the focus sharpened” and “the ‘white race’ must be understood, not simply as a social construct (rather than a genetic phenomenon), but as a ruling class social control formation.”
On December 21st, 1864, a wealthy slaveholder and minor official of the Confederacy named James P. Barnes was ambushed on his way to the Post Office in Robeson County, North Carolina. After being initially cut down by a shotgun blast, Barnes was shot at point blank range in the head…Thus began a period of roughly eight years of almost uninterrupted, multiracial attacks on plantation society in southeastern North Carolina. Dozens of sheriffs and White supremacist militia were murdered, plantations and White-owned stores expropriated, and five different successful prison breaks carried out, in what to this day represents a period of marked pride and dignity for North Carolina’s Lumbees.
This publication offers a brief biographical sketch of an incredible man named Robert F. Williams, along with several chapters excerpted from his famous 1962 book Negroes with Guns. Though less well known than more urban groups like the Black Panthers, the words and actions of Monroe, NC’s militant NAACP chapter were tremendously influential on later organizations that advocated self-determination, autonomy, equality, and self-defense.
“Amerindians and whites found it easier to escape enslavement. The Amerindians knew the land and also had kinfolk to help or seek out. The whites could better blend in with free people, or join others moving to colonize other parts of the land. The Africans, on the other hand, had no such advantage. They either found sympathetic Amerindians to help them, or had to try to find and join with other runaways, called “Maroons,” fugitive enslaved people of North, Central and South America and the Caribbean islands who had set up their own communities.”
“This collection may not only to be viewed in terms of abortion rights, or even strictly in terms of the quest for women to have control over their bodies, but also in terms of any group of people face-up against the onslaught of modern-day slavery (in all its forms) taking control over their lives. Jane is an inspiration— a beautiful example that battles can be won without begging. Today they can be seen as a bold display of an effective underground organization operating with utter disregard for the letter of the law— women taking their lives into their own hands and taking responsibility for their actions, all the while without asking for anyone’s permission.”
The Stockade Stood Burning
Something happened in Tennessee, something almost unimaginable to the mine owners and politicians of that state. When the companies tried to intimidate their workers by bringing in convict labor to take over their jobs, the workers responded by storming the stockades, freeing the prisoners, and loading them onto freight trains bound for Nashville and Knoxville and places far away…The Tennessee convict war was one of the largest insurrections in American working-class history. And yet, unfolding at exactly the same time as the more publicized labor wars in Homestead, Pennsylvania, and Coeur d’Alene, Idaho, it was largely ignored.
“Usually racism is the best tool of the prison officials to control volatile prison populations. The warden and his guards intentionally keep up racial hostilities through rumors and provocation, and… use the racist white prisoners to confine both themselves and others, in return for special privileges and the fleeting feeling that they are ‘helping’ the ‘white race’ maintain control. This is how the system imprisons whites and uses them in their own oppression…
Prisoners began to understand in theoretical terms how racism was a way of enslaving us all – blacks and other non-whites as inferiors, whites as oppressors. They understood now how the Klan had been doing the bidding of the prison officials for years, just like the white workers in society do the bidding of the capitalists…”
You Can’t Shoot Us All
A recreation of an already existing zine that was previously unavailable online – Covers the Oscar Grant Rebellions in Oakland, California.
“When we realized that, in the eyes of the powerful, our lives are just piles of bones waiting to be shattered, arteries and veins on the verge of tearing open, hearts and lungs that stop beating and expanding at the moment they pull the trigger, the only thing left to do was to come together and make them tremble before us.”
Poor People’s Movements: Why they Succeed and Why They Fail
“Examinations of four different periods of struggles in the US, from the depression to the civil rights movement, suggesting formal, reformist, and bureaucratic organization led them to fail.”
Dynamite: The Story of Class Violence in America
“Louis Adamic’s superb history of class violence in the US. It traces the origins of gangsterism and racketeering in unions in the 1930s to its roots in workers needing to defend themselves from the armed violence of the State and bosses’ thugs.”
Delusions of Progress: Police and the White Hell of Civil Society
“No amount of rhetoric geared towards “racial justice” can change this fact: if a struggle for liberation remains within a managed discourse of the citizen, the Public, and the responsible protester, then it will always reproduce the form of the state, and it will therefore always reproduce the police. Whiteness, civil society, the state, and the economy flow in and out of one another, and in all things policing is the structural and discursive glue that binds them together.”
“The St. Louis area has a history of police being shot at, and police are very aware of that. The police know people are armed and willing to shoot. From the beginning of the uprising, rebels made this very clear: one of the first things to happen after they killed Mike Brown was shots being fired into the air.”
The Other Side of COIN: Counter-Insurgency and Community Policing
“This essay outlines the current counterinsurgency model, with an emphasis on its domestic application in the United States. It shows that many contemporary counter-insurgency practices were developed by police agencies inside the U.S., and illustrates the transfer of theory, strategy, and technique from domestic police to the military – and back. The essay also examines the state’s use of nongovernmental or nonprofit agencies, as one element of counterinsurgency strategy, to channel and control political opposition. The conclusion briefly considers the strategic implications for social movements, especially as we learn to recognize and respond to political repression.”
What They Mean When They Say “Peace” and The Making of “Outside Agitators”
“In this light, it is ironic, if not unexpected, that one of the corporate media stereotypes of the “outside agitator” is the “white anarchist”—as if all anarchists were white. It’s no longer considered decorous to call people race traitors, so the allegation is inverted: white people who fight alongside black and brown people must not have their best interests at heart, certainly not as much as the police and corporate media do. Although declaring oneself an anarchist does not magically free a white person of the racism that pervades our society, it is racist indeed to attribute all the unrest in Ferguson to “white anarchists,” denying the existence or agency of black and brown participants.”
3 Positions Against Prison
This zine offers an excellent critique of prisons, arguing that prison is not just a physical site but also a condition that exists within society. Specifically, it offers a solid analysis of prison abolition, arguing that in seeking to “shrink” the prison industrial complex, abolitionists often end up replacing prison with other less brutal institutions. Consequently, prison doesn’t disappear but rather its mechanisms – surveillance, militarization of the police, etc – spread throughout society.
Our Enemies In Blue
“Let’s begin with the basics: violence is an inherent part of policing. The police represent the most direct means by which the state imposes its will on the citizenry. They are armed, trained, and authorized to use force. Like the possibility of arrest, the threat of violence is implicit in every police encounter. Violence, as well as the law, is what they represent.”
The New Afrikan Prison Struggle
A history of the New Afrikan liberation struggle from slavery, to civil rights, to black power and black liberation. This piece, written by black liberation prisoner Sundiata Acoli also discusses the growth of black liberation prison struggle and organizing to free its prisoners.
“To Struggle Means We Are Alive”: Prisoners Speak Out on Ferguson, Baltimore, and Ongoing Revolt Against the Police
“A new ‘zine that assembles interviews with and essays by prisoners on the recent wave of anti-police revolt and #BlackLivesMatter protests is now available. “To Struggle Means We’re Alive”: Prisoners Speak Out on Ferguson, Baltimore, and the Ongoing Revolt Against the Police brings together a variety of perspectives and voices, mostly from “social” prisoners who have been struggling or active in some way on the inside. This publication was compiled as a modest attempt to raise up those kinds of voices that tend to be obscured or made invisible by both corporate media and social movement discourse alike, as well as offer a venue for these perspectives to continue to circulate throughout the prison system. Finally, this was a catalyst for communication with prisoners ahead of the national prison strike that has been announced for September 2016. Hopefully others can share it with folks with whom they’re communicating on the inside.”
500 Years of Indigenous Resistance
The history of the colonization of the Americas by Europeans is often portrayed as a mutually beneficial process, in which “civilization” was brought to the Natives, who in return shared their land and cultures. A more critical history might present it as a genocide in which Indigenous peoples were helpless victims, overwhelmed and awed by European military power. In reality, neither of these views is correct.
500 Years of Indigenous Resistance is more than a history of European colonization of the Americas. In this slim volume, Gord Hill chronicles the resistance by Indigenous peoples, which limited and shaped the forms and extent of colonialism. This history encompasses North and South America, the development of nation-states, and the resurgence of Indigenous resistance in the post-WWII era.
Dispatches From Standing Rock
Five texts that appeared on various public websites over fall 2016, each marking an intensification of the struggle against the Dakota Access Pipeline. We hope this zine will serve to extend the visibility of this ongoing revolt, with which we feel a profound affinity.
Zig-Zag produces both a theoretical and organizing manuel for anti-colonial action in the 21st Century.
Accomplices Not Allies: Abolishing The Ally Industrial Complex
The ally industrial complex has been established by activists whose careers depend on the “issues” they work to address. These nonprofit capitalists advance their careers off the struggles they ostensibly support. They often work in the guise of “grassroots” or “community-based” and are not necessarily tied to any organization.
They build organizational or individual capacity and power, establishing themselves comfortably among the top ranks in their hierarchy of oppression as they strive to become the ally “champions” of the most oppressed. While the exploitation of solidarity and support is nothing new, the commodification and exploitation of allyship is a growing trend in the activism industry.
“In 2007 we published The Coming Insurrection in France. It must be acknowledged that a number of assertions by the Invisible Committee have since been confirmed, starting with the first and most essential: the sensational return of the insurrectionary phenomenon. Who would have bet a kopeck, seven years ago, on the overthrow of Ben Ali or Mubarak through street action, on the revolt of young people in Quebec, on the political awakening of Brazil, on the fires set French-style in the English or Swedish banlieues, on the creation of an insurrectionary commune in the very heart of Istanbul, on a movement of plaza occupations in the United States, or on the rebellion that spread throughout Greece in December of 2008?
To Our Friends is a report on the state of the world and of the movement, a piece of writing that’s essentially strategic and openly partisan. Its political ambition is immodest: to produce a shared understanding of the epoch, in spite of the extreme confusion of the present.”
“Whenever this kind of working class resistance breaks out, politicians try to extinguish it in a flood of petitions, lobbying and election campaigns. But when we are fighting for ourselves, our activity looks completely different from theirs. We take property away from landlords and use it for ourselves. We use militant tactics against our bosses and end up fighting with the police. We form groups where everyone takes part in the activity, and there is no division between leaders and followers. We do not fight for our leaders, for our bosses or for our country. We fight for ourselves. This is not the ultimate form of democracy. We are imposing our needs on society without debate—needs that are directly contrary to the interests and wishes of rich people everywhere. There is no way for us to speak on equal terms with this society.”
“The scars of neoliberalism dot our landscape. But while outsourcing has pushed production overseas, at the same time in the last 19 years, the majority of jobs lost in manufacturing, 85%, has been to machines that can now do the work of humans, also known as automation. The future is here, but only to leave us behind.
In the face of this, economists and those in the tech industry expect two things. The first is simply that there will be widespread job displacement and loss; in short, things will get worse for the working class. But moreover, they argue that with so many workers making so little, there will be no one to buy their products. Such a situation, besides triggering a massive recession, may also lead to something the elites are even more afraid of: rebellion, revolt, and revolution.”
“I think that a lot of the history of political art has conceptualized resistance as a purely reactive physical act of offense or defense. I see a lot of that imagery as being the aesthetic of only one potential type of one potential resistance. And I’m there, I love it. I want a landlord or a cop to be afraid.
And, I feel like sometimes only one very singular type of resistance is being valorized and showcased within anarchist aesthetic. And that dialogue can only go so far. The above are all folks who have such broad dialogues on what resistance can be and is. And the work is beautiful. Just undeniably lovely. I see a lot of anarchist aesthetic embracing hard lines, hard forms, sharp jutting angles, and its almost looking like architecture. I want to see art that looks like living worlds and people.”
An Interview with Keep Hoods Yours (KHY)
“Just do it. Do it. You already have the tools, skills and desires to do graffiti, and you’re already pulling it off. Just think about placement, strategy, what’s important to you, and see if anyone else is down. That’s our point, that it’s really that easy.
“For some, graffiti is an attempt to break the separation between an impersonal urban landscape and the vibrancy of life. It is a very literal assertion of the value of creativity over the sanctity of property, a visual declaration of the will to live. Politicians, from positions of unchecked power, simplistically assert that graffiti is “wrong”. They attempt to coerce their constituency into assimilating their morality, as if “right” and “wrong” really are objective terms. For writers, the world isn’t so *black and white*. Why, asks the writer, can’t the dead walls of our city become the canvases of our aspirations?”
“The Men’s Rights Movement is the name given to the latest incarnation of the antifeminist movement, the gender faction of the white male Protestant culture that has been at the heart of America’s foundation. Since the early days of the suffrage movement, there’s been a reactionary backlash to counter the calls for women’s liberation.
In the 2010s, the growth of the internet has given rise to a network of virulently antifeminist, jingoistic, racist and misogynistic websites. Men from all over the world post their darkest violent rants about their hatred of women. Some of these threads lead to the creation of gunman Elliot Roger who targeted a sorority. Other sites provide an intellectual backing to the whole ideology of neomasculinity.”
Queer involves our sexuality and our gender, but so much more. It is our desire and fantasies and more still. Queer is the cohesion of everything in conflict with the heterosexual capitalist world. Queer is a total rejection of the regime of the Normal.
“Queer is not merely another identity that can be tacked onto a list of neat social categories, nor the quantitative sum of our identities. Rather, it is the qualitative position of opposition to presentations of stability – an identity that problematizes the manageable limits of identity. Queer is a territory of tension, defined against the dominant narrative of white-hetero-monogamous patriarchy, but also by an affinity with all who are marginalized, otherized and oppressed.”
We present these two essays in a humble effort to contribute to ongoing debates around feminist struggle, violence, and self-defense. The first, titled “Justice is a Woman with a Sword,” is a classic of the 2nd Wave. This essay sought to question the (then) assumed pacifism of “women,” as connected to certain notions of femininity, and the often unexamined adoption of such a stance by the growing feminist movement of the 60’s and 70’s. The idea that women could take “justice” into their own hands, to directly defend themselves from an epidemic of patriarchal violence and sexual assault, was an extremely radical idea for many at the time. The growth of a vast array of women’s martial arts schools and organizations, not to mention the spread of women’s shelters and crisis centers, directly owes its existence to this radical realization that women did not need to rely on men’s institutions (police, the State, the Church, etc.) to protect themselves.
A collection of writings on gender, violence, self-defense, and revenge.
Sweet Tea reframes the age-old gun debate in this country, exposing the inherently political/corrupt nature of the two traditional sides of the argument, and goes on to explain the benefits of gun ownership, particularly for oppressed groups, the radical Left, and anarchists.
In January 2016 It’s Going Down held an interview with Dorset Chiapas Solidarity Group which is part of the broader UK Zapatista Network. The group is particularly involved in the translation and dissemination of news from social movements and struggles in the region of Chiapas in Southern Mexico. We wanted to know about a wave of land reclamations that have been carried out by the indigenous peoples of the region as well as growing resistance to extractive megaprojects. We also wanted to know what the role of the Zapatista Movement and the EZLN (Zapatista National Liberation Army) as well as the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) was in these expanding struggles for land and autonomy.
A collection of writings, reflections, and poetry from members of the Cimarrón Collective, a group initiated by recently released anarchist prisoner Fernando Bárcenas in Mexico City’s North Prison. As they explain it, “In a certain way, this material is the result of constant efforts at the individual and collective reclamation of life, lived and shared in its own way so as to make resistance inside these walls possible.”
This zine is based off an interview published on It’s Going Down with an anarchist compañera from Mexico City deeply involved in a variety of solidarity and organizing efforts with anarchist prisoners in Mexico. It covers a lot of ground, including the conditions inside Mexican prisons, the cases of several anarchist prisoners, how anarchist prisoners are organizing resistance and autonomy inside the prison walls, and the ways anarchists on the outside manifest solidarity with their locked-up comrades.
Community Struggle and Political Repression in Eloxochitlán de Flores Magón: The Case of Miguel Peralta Betanzos
This pamphlet provides a look at the struggles of the indigenous community of Eloxochitlán de Flores Magón and one of its prisoners, anarchist Miguel Peralta Betanzos. The birthplace of Ricardo Flores Magón, Eloxochitlán has been the site of intense struggle for community autonomy, territorial defense, and against the imposition of political parties. The pamphlet contains articles about the history and struggle of Eloxochitlán de Flores Magón, letters and statements from other political prisoners from the community, and a collection of writings by Miguel Peralta Betanzos.
There’s Nothing Anarchist About Eco-Fascism
This collection includes both “There’s Nothing Anarchist About Eco-Fascism,” and “Not Our Comrades,” two texts from It’s Going Down by Scott Campbell. Both take aim at “eco-extremist” groups in Mexico and beyond which have attacked anarchists.
Black Liberation Army and The Paradox of Political Engagement
This essay by US Afropessimist theorist Frank B. Wilderson, III juxtaposes three armed guerrilla groups – the Black Liberation Army, the Red Army Faction, and the Irish Republican Army, in order to determine the anthropological and socio-affective conditions enabling political violence to be communicable and comprehensible.
Brazillian is Not a Race
In a sea of contemporary poetry that’s often just a vehicle for the author’s vanity, this is poetry that is truly and powerfully about some real shit. This chapbook covers some of the many complexities of race and nationality through crucial depth and layered insights.
“They would say, ‘the capitalist as a category has to be destroyed’. What freaks them out about an analysis of anti-Blackness is that this applies to the category of the Human, which means that they have to be destroyed regardless of their performance, or of their morality, and that they occupy a place of power that is completely unethical, regardless of what they do. And they’re not going to do that. Because what are they trying to do? They’re trying to build a better world. What are we trying to do? We’re trying to destroy the world. Two irreconcilable projects.”
A collection of Alexander Reid Ross’ popular column from IGD, which details Trump’s history and trajectory and discusses the role of the far-Right in the current situation unfolding all around us. One of the first anarchist and anti-fascist bodies of writing that began to offer an analysis of Trumpism and the danger that it represents.
“As in debates over tactics, debates over slogans usually reflect deeper conflicts over strategy and goals. It is unlikely that the Democrat who seeks a return to the Obama years and the anarchist who seeks an entirely new world will agree on slogans or tactics. We believe that these kinds of conflicts are valuable and important, and that ignoring them in favor of forcing through one shared platform or program would be fruitless and misguided.
Nonetheless, we are confronting the rise of a potentially fascist force in North America, one that will have real lived consequences for millions of us. For us to put up even the most basic obstacles to this regime, we’ll all have to get past one-dimensional moral platitudes about love and hate.”
“The need to surpass the limitations of anti-fascism may well be one of the defining features of this historical moment. If we oppose Trump as a potential fascist, at best we will pressure him to stay within the bounds of democratic government, but these are more than sufficient for him to carry out his program. What’s more, we will miss the opportunity to expose the continuity with which governments oppress people, and we will play into the hands of the Democrats, making it easier for them to continue this madness in more intelligent ways after the next elections.”
“There is a lot of possibility in the world right now and we shouldn’t give up, even though it feels pretty bleak at times. When things are in flux as much as they are right now, it creates opportunity. People are increasingly looking to collective and autonomous action to exercise power; more people are sympathetic to militant tactics and radical visions of what is possible and desirable. Trump’s candidacy and presidency have created some serious divisions in the ruling class, which destabilizes power and creates vacuums. To the extent that those vacuums can be filled with anti-authoritarian and anti-capitalist principles and organizing, we could see some significant victories for our movements.”